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Here's What A Heinz Ketchup Counterfeiting Operation Looks Like

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heinz ketchup counterfeit

Someone was allegedly trying to counterfeit Heinz Tomato Ketchup inside a privately owned 7,000 square foot warehouse in New Jersey, reports Dan Goldberg at The Star-Ledger.

Officials from Heinz believe that the scheme involved buying traditional Heinz Ketchup in large bladders, then transferring it into individual bottles with the premium "Simply Heinz" label.

"Simply Heinz" is made with sugar instead of high fructose corn sweetener, and sells at a higher price than traditional Heinz.

Heinz says the scheme didn't get very far, and that it only produced a "small quantity of bottles."

Chris Morran at the Consumerist points out that since Heinz is downplaying the incident, the company likely believes that the scam never left the warehouse.

That's important, since there may be health risks. Rutgers food science professor Don Schaffner explains to the Star-Ledger:

"If you’re opening ketchup containers and pouring ketchup into other bottles, God knows what you’re diluting it with ... Ketchup is thick, so it’s possible you would not use a food-grade ingredient to replicate that texture. I can’t begin to imagine how bad it could be."

Heinz is working with the FDA's criminal investigation folks to figure out exactly what happened.

NOW SEE: McDonald's Franchisee: 'We Are Bankrupting The System In The Name Of Rebranding' >

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Fraudsters Named Their Fund '.44 Magnum' Because Clients Would 'Shoot Themselves In The Head'

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.44 magnum anaconda

The SEC unsealed civil charges today against a trio of individuals who ran a phony investment program called ".44 Magnum."

Why did they call it that?

Because, “when people found out they’d been ripped off, they would buy a .44 Magnum and shoot themselves in the head," one of the accused testified to the SEC.

Geoffrey H. Lunn of Sheridan, Colo., Darlene A. Bishop of Odessa, Texas, and Vincent G. Curry of Las Vegas solicited investors throughout the U.S. and in several foreign countries for their .44 Magnum Leveraged Financing Program, promising they could turn an investment of just $44,000 into $2 million within 10 to 12 banking days, the complaint said.

At the height of the program, they'd raised $5.77 million from unwitting investors.

Lunn admitted in sworn testimony during the SEC’s investigation that, “It was a con, basically.” 

When Lunn, Bishop, and Curry were unable to repay investors after the promised 10 to 12 days, they perpetuated the scheme by repeatedly postponing the payout dates and claiming the delays were due to holds placed by banks or the government, according to the complaint. 

The case gets even stranger — Lunn testified that a "one-eyed man" named "Robert Perello" was the one who named the program.  But Perello may not actually exist:

Lunn claimed that Perello threatened to kill him and his family if he did not cooperate in the [scheme], and that he gave the cash he withdrew from investor funds and the Western Union transfers to Perello.  Lunn is the only person who claims to have met Perello in person, saying he does not know Perello’s true identify or current whereabouts and that his only distinguishing characteristic is that he has just one eye.  Despite Lunn’s assertions, no individual resembling Perello has been identified or located.

The agency is seeking unspecificed civil penalties against the three defendants.

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FACT: White College Applicants Get More Preferential Treatment Than Minorities

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yale university

While affirmative action is about to get torn apart by the Supreme Court, other preferential treatment in college admissions goes uncontested. You know, the kind that favors white kids.

This shocking—but totally logical—passage comes from The Price Of Admission by Pulitzer-Prize winning journalist Daniel Goldkin:

The number of whites enjoying preference far outweighs the number of minorities aided by affirmative action. At least one third of the students at elite universities, and at least half at liberal arts colleges, are flagged for preferential treatment in the admissions process. While minorities make up 10 to 15 percent of a typical student body, affluent whites dominate other preferred groups: recruited athletes (10 to 25 percent of students); alumni children, also known as “legacies” (10 to 25 percent); development cases (2 to 5 percent); children of celebrities and politicians (1 to 2 percent); and children of faculty members (1 to 3 percent).

These estimates might be conservative. Robert Birgeneau, chancellor of the University of California at Berkeley, told me that he once calculated the proportion of admission spaces open to "regular students' at one Ivy League university, which he declined to name. His startling conclusion: students without any nonacademic preferences are vying for only 40% of the slots. Birgeneau added that Ivy League schools typically understate the number of students whose alumni ties facilitated their admissions. For instance, most Ivies don't count grandchildren as legacies, even though alumni often give the most money — and thus wield the greatest sway over admissions — after becoming grandparents.

Not to mention all of the advantages white kids get growing up ...

So what do you think about the college system? Please vote in our annual survey!

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Don't miss: Here's What They Don't Tell You About Getting Into An Ivy League School >

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Jerry Sandusky Asks Court To Overturn Child Sex Abuse Convictions

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jerry sandusky

BELLEFONTE, Pa. (AP) — Former Penn State assistant football coach Jerry Sandusky asked a judge on Thursday to overturn his child sexual abuse convictions and grant him a new trial, claiming his lawyers lacked sufficient time to prepare and the statute of limitations for some charges had expired.

Sandusky's lawyers filed the appeal at the courthouse in Bellefonte where he was sentenced two weeks ago to 30 to 60 years in prison after being convicted of abusing 10 boys, some on Penn State's campus in State College. They say there wasn't enough evidence to support convictions.

A spokesman for the attorney general's office said the Sandusky filing was under review.

Sandusky remains in the county jail, awaiting a transfer to a state prison to serve time for 45 criminal counts. Eight young men testified against him in June, describing a range of abuse they said included fondling and oral and anal sex when they were boys.

Sandusky didn't testify at his trial but has consistently maintained his innocence, and his attorneys have repeatedly said they felt they were rushed to trial and swamped by a mountain of documents prosecutors turned over in the seven-plus months between his arrest in November and the June trial.

Sandusky, 68, built a national reputation as one of the country's premier defensive coaches while serving under head coach Joe Paterno, including two national championships. That image was shattered last year by his arrest.

The abuse scandal rocked Penn State, bringing down Paterno and the university's president and leading the NCAA, college sports' governing body, to levy unprecedented sanctions against the university's football program.

Two Penn State administrators were charged as a result of the investigation into the Sandusky allegations, accused of lying to the grand jury that investigated Sandusky and not reporting suspected child abuse to the proper authorities. Those two officials, athletic director Tim Curley, who is on administrative leave, and retired vice president Gary Schultz, await trial in January and maintain their innocence.

Former FBI Director Louis Freeh, hired by university trustees to conduct an investigation into the university's handling of abuse complaints against Sandusky, concluded that Paterno, who died in January, ousted president Graham Spanier, Curley and Schultz concealed a 2001 allegation against Sandusky to protect Penn State from bad publicity.

The late coach's family, as well as Spanier, Curley and Schultz, have hotly disputed Freeh's assertions.

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The Late BBC Star In A Sex Abuse Scandal Admitted He'd Be Seen As 'Crooked' After Death

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Jimmy Saville UK

Jimmy Savile confessed to a reporter that his reputation would collapse after his death and he would come to be regarded as “crooked”, it has emerged.

In a previously unpublished interview given by Savile two months before he died, he admitted he was “not a straight punter”.

The Jewish Chronicle obtained a transcript of the interview, which was ostensibly about Savile’s work with Jewish charities, but which included the Jim’ll Fix It presenter’s enigmatic reference to his murky past.

Asked what he would choose if someone could “fix it” for him, Savile said: “A telephone in heaven.”

When he was asked why, he said: “Just leave it at that. That’s the trouble with you fellas, you always want to delve and go further.”

He then added that he was “not a straight punter.

“When I’m gone, they’ll say ‘I always thought he was straight but he wasn’t – he was crooked’.”

Savile was born and raised as a Roman Catholic, but once described himself as “the most Jewish Catholic you will ever meet”, and raised money for several Jewish charities. He died aged 84 in October last year.

Meanwhile it has emerged that the BBC Panorama programme will broadcast an investigation on Monday night into Newsnight’s decision to drop a film on Savile.

The documentary will be shown on the eve of an appearance before a committee of MPs by George Entwistle, the BBC director general.

The programme may also include some of the unseen footage filmed by Newsnight, said to include an on-screen interview with at least one alleged victim of Savile.

Mr Entwistle has been called to give evidence to Parliament’s culture, media and sport select committee on Tuesday, when he will be asked exactly how much he knew about the Newsnight probe and the decision to discontinue it.

Michael Crick, the Channel 4 News chief political correspondent and former Newsnight political editor, described the timing of the Panorama broadcast as a “huge problem” for Mr Entwistle.

The director general has claimed from the outset that while he was aware that Newsnight was looking into Savile at the end of last year, he did not know what the investigation was about.

Peter Rippon, the editor of Newsnight, has insisted the investigation was dropped for “editorial reasons”.

Regardless of whether Mr Entwistle knew what Newsnight had unearthed, he has already been criticised for allowing the corporation to broadcast tribute programmes to Savile without checking whether Newsnight had discovered anything compromising.

The director general has been at pains to stress that the editors of BBC programmes have complete independence, free from any influence by directors-general, and the timing of the Panorama programme could not be a sterner test of his word.

At least six celebrities have now been accused of child abuse either on BBC premises or during the time they were prominent BBC stars.

They include Savile, the Steptoe and Son actor Wilfrid Brambell, an unnamed soap star and the singer Gary Glitter.

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Billionaire Bahraini Prince Tossed Off Flight After Drunken Rant In Cockpit

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British Airways

An Arab prince was marched off a passenger jet at Heathrow by police officers armed with Taser guns after he drunkenly stormed the cockpit to complain about the poor service.

Mubarak Hamad, 29, a Bahraini billionaire prince who lives in London, has been charged with being drunk on an aircraft and is due to appear in court later this month.

Shortly after boarding the British Airways Boeing 777 to Doha in Qatar via Bahrain, it is understood that the prince began shouting and complaining about the service.

Members of the crew were allegedly forced to call the police after he made his way into the cockpit and refused to go back to his seat.

Mr Hamad was then dragged off the plane by officers armed with stun guns and taken to a police station where his DNA, mugshot and fingerprints were taken.

He was bailed out, but was told he was being formally charged when he answered his bail on Wednesday. He is due to appear before magistrates in London later this month.

Mr Hamad, who is believed to be a close relation of Bahrain’s King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa, lives in Eaton Square, Belgravia. Past and present residents of the square include Sir Sean Connery, Sir Roger Moore and José Mourinho, the former Chelsea football manager.

A Scotland Yard spokesman said: “Mubarak Hamad, 29, of Eaton Square, Belgravia, was charged on October 17 with being drunk on an aircraft and has been bailed to appear at Uxbridge magistrates’ court.”

Human rights campaigners have in the past criticized King Hamad, whose regime has been accused of violently repressing pro-democracy activists.

This is not the first time that members of the Middle East’s elite have found themselves on the wrong side of the law in Britain.

Saud Abdulaziz bin Nasser al Saud, a Saudi prince, was jailed for life in 2010 for beating and strangling his servant at a five-star hotel in London.

When arrested, he at first wrongly believed he had diplomatic immunity.

The son of the billionaire Emir of Ajman, part of the United Arab Emirates, had his £200,000 Ferrari FF seized by police and displayed outside Scotland Yard because it was uninsured.

Sheikh Rashid Bin Humaid Al Nuaimi boasted later that officers handed back the keys as soon as they discovered who he was, writing on Facebook: “Arab money talks.”

 Now read about the wild lifestyle of the crown prince of Dubai >

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How Dietmar Machold Allegedly Became 'The Bernie Madoff Of Violins'

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Dietmar Machold

The world's biggest violin dealer, Dietmar Machold, is facing the music in court, accused of fiddling millions from investors.

News of the arrest last year of the international violin dealer Dietmar Machold in the Swiss resort of Zermatt was met with incredulity by many in the arts.

It seemed unthinkable that the German millionaire who supplied such orchestras as the Vienna Philharmonic with fine violins and lent multi-million-dollar to artists including Midori, Hilary Hahn, Robert McDuffie and Shlomo Mintz had committed a crime.

It was not until last December, when Machold was extradited to Austria, where he was put behind bars, that the world's auction houses, concert halls and conservatoires began humming with intrigue.

In musical circles Machold, 63, was a major figure: few in that world had not done business with him over the past 25 years. With an empire that stretched from Vienna, Berlin, Bremen and Zurich to New York, Chicago, Tokyo and Seoul, he dealt almost exclusively in rare stringed instruments by the 17th- and 18th- century Italian masters Antonio Stradivari, Guarneri del Gesù, Carlo Bergonzi and JB Guadagnini; he persuaded hedgefund managers, banks and other institutions to buy these costly instruments as an investment and lend them to the rising stars of the concert hall.

Regarded by many as the most influential dealer in the world, Machold, who went on trial last month on charges of serious fraud, embezzlement, misappropriation and fraudulent bankruptcy to the tune of about €250 million, may soon be reviled as the 'Bernie Madoff of the violin world'.

With his trial due to resume on November 5 in Vienna (following an adjournment), musicians, arts organisations and financial institutions are waiting to learn how it will be suggested that Machold could for so long have got away with buying and selling the world's most sought-after violins without anyone suspecting that his apparently stellar business was an elaborate charade.

To outsiders, the global violin market's lack of transparency, its absence of an independent regulatory body, and its tiny group of major dealers make it seem potentially more corrupt than any other area of the art market. It is common for dealers not to disclose either the provenance or the original purchase price of a violin, or their own commission, which can be as much as 30 per cent of the sales price. Deals may be concluded with a nod and a handshake without an invoice changing hands, and it is accepted practice for one dealer to send an instrument to a colleague to find a buyer, allowing both dealers to split an extra-large commission. This explains why clients were slow to question whether Machold was double-crossing them. Those who entrusted their instruments to him for sale were told to be patient, sometimes for several years, when apparently there was no buyer.

The prosecution's case is that Machold was able to use the same violins as collateral for loans from numbers of banks and financiers without being found out because it is accepted practice for rare instruments bought as investments to remain in the dealer's climate-controlled vaults, or to be lent to musicians (Machold's mantra was that rare violins must be played constantly to preserve their unique qualities; many experts disagree). It is suggested that some violins that he pledged to cover loans simply did not exist: names and provenances were invented, fake certificates supplied. His valuations were also vastly inflated, by as much as 75 per cent, it is said – mark-ups that lenders never challenged.

Creditors fearing that millions of euros lost through fraudulent deals will never be recouped believe the complete truth may be yet to emerge in a case riddled with cover-ups, conspiracies and unanswered questions. In Vienna there is gossip over the length of his likely prison sentence, which – if he is found guilty – could be up to 10 years.

Not everyone is surprised at Machold's reversal of fortune. Within the trade the image emerges of a charming and sophisticated wheeler-dealer with a largely self-styled reputation as an unchallenged expert in fine violins. 'It wasn't a question whether Machold was going to get into trouble with the authorities,' one leading London dealer says. 'The only question was when it would happen, and how many millions would be involved.'

Most established violin makers and dealers have always been perplexed by Machold's image as a glamorous power dealer with an ostentatious playboy lifestyle. 'He seemed to do business with incredibly powerful, wealthy people, not with the artists, orchestras and schools most of us deal with,' says Simon Morris, a partner of the London dealer Charles Beare, regarded as the world's leading authority on stringed instruments. As Morris points out, not even top-end violin dealing confers riches of the kind flaunted by Machold.

Born into a modest Bremen family of violin makers with a business that had been founded in 1861, Dietmar Machold began making his name only in the 1980s. There was always something of the Jay Gatsby about him. According to the Philadelphia violin appraiser and historian Philip J Kass, 'He seemed to come out of nowhere. None of us knew anything about him: he was an arriviste. Suddenly he was doing a tremendous amount of business in big-name instruments, although Germany had no market presence. No one knew his origins or how he managed to get his hands on so many very valuable instruments.'

Machold qualified as a lawyer before joining his father's violin business in the early 1980s. It was clear that his talents lay less in the violin maker's craft than in financial speculation. Roger Hargrave, a respected violin maker who from 1981 helped Machold expand the Bremen firm, which became an empire with branches around the world, recalls it as a heady experience.

'It was dynamic and fun to be a part of,' he says. 'I was handling Strads, Amatis, Guarneris on a daily basis. I would fly to Boston to fit a sound-post, to Budapest to cut a bridge, and be driven through Checkpoint Charlie in a diplomatic car to East Berlin's North Korean embassy to adjust the odd Strad or two. Dietmar was a wizard in his own field: making, working with and moving money. He could have sold carpets and done the same kind of deals. It did not surprise me when he began to open shops all over the world.' But eventually Hargrave declined Machold's offer of a partnership. 'By 1984 I began to see things that were very unsettling. There were too many overnight trips to Switzerland with unmarked briefcases.' In 1986 Hargrave left to start his own business.

It was a prime time to be a dealer. With the emerging Japanese and Korean markets, sales of fine violins were booming. Whereas Stradivari's Lady Blunt violin had sold at Sotheby's for a record $200,000 in 1971, by 1986 Yehudi Menuhin's Soil Strad went for $1.25 million. In 2000 a Seattle collector paid a reported $6 million for a Guarneri from Menuhin's estate. Violin prices are soaring, despite global recession. Last year the Lady Blunt again broke records, fetching £9.8 million.

By the 1990s Machold had forged close links with the National Bank of Austria, to which he sold 27 rare violins, violas and cellos, including many Stradivaris and Guarneris, then worth more than $50 million. The instruments have since been on loan to world-class orchestras, principally the Vienna Philharmonic.

He transferred the hub of his business to Vienna, where he bought a 14th-century castle once owned by Napoleon's youngest sister. Its grandiose halls were the setting for musical soirées and galas attended by high society, artists, politicians and the business world. He drove a yellow Rolls-Royce and collected a fleet of vintage cars, hundreds of rare cameras, watches and other treasures.

The Austrian government awarded him an honorary doctorate in recognition of his contribution to national industry and culture. In 2005 he was presented with the Grand Gold Medal of Honour for Services to the State. But as early as 2000, however, some had begun to question the rise of Machold. He had formed a business relationship with the eccentric American philanthropist Herbert Axelrod, whose fortune came from pet-care books and sundries. A violin collector and arts sponsor, Axelrod became one of Machold's best clients. However, in 1997, when Axelrod had donated four matching decorated Stradivari instruments to the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, DC, the consensus among top dealers was that the instruments, long familiar to insiders as neither the finest nor even authentically matching Stradivaris, had been overvalued by Machold at $55 million.

In 2002 Dr Neil Fitzgerald, an American antiques expert and an economist with a Denver merchant bank, was asked by his employers to carry out due diligence investigations into Machold, who had approached the bank searching for investors in rare violins at a projected annual 25 per cent appreciation.

Fitzgerald, aided by his contacts in the violin market, probed Machold's transactions, and found insufficient evidence to endorse either his investment plan or the valuation of the Axelrod quartet donated to the Smithsonian.

'I told my bank Machold's proposal was unsubstantiated. The record price of a better-than-average Strad in 1997 was barely $1.5 million. Some experts took the view that the four instruments were worth $12 million, tops. The Stradivarius cello had been given a modern decoration to match the others – something admitted by Axelrod and known in the trade,' he says.

It emerged that the Smithsonian had accepted Machold's $55 million appraisal on the understanding that Axelrod had turned down Machold's offer to buy the set for that sum. Fitzgerald believed he had uncovered an attempted tax dodge by Axelrod, who under United States tax law could claim a hefty rebate against the donation.

At that time highly publicised negotiations were taking place between the debt-ridden New Jersey Symphony Orchestra (NJSO) and Axelrod, who had offered to sell the orchestra a 'fine 18th-century Italian stringed instrument collection' at a much-vaunted 'bargain' $25 million. The 30 instruments, known as the Golden Age collection, had been appraised by Machold at $50 million. But other experts were dubious about the condition and value of some of the collection, estimating its value at less than $20 million. In 2003 the NJSO bought the collection for $17 million, selling it in 2007 to two hedge-fund managers for $20 million.

Fitzgerald became uneasy when Machold telephoned him to ask about the bank's response to his proposals. 'He was talking conspiratorially, businessman to businessman. I asked for proof that a fine violin was a prime investment. What if the market went down or demand declined?' Fitzgerald says. He recalls Machold's answer. 'He said, "I make the prices of Stradivaris. They go up when I make them go up. The other dealers all follow me."' Asked to justify valuations far in excess of the market, Machold retorted, 'I have contacts in every orchestra in the world and can produce the necessary documents. I know them all well. They will all accept my valuations, even higher ones.'

Fitzgerald then filed a statement with the United States Internal Revenue Service (IRS) and the Senate Committee on Finance, which was then investigating tax fraud through donations of overvalued artworks to charities. Alleging 'a taxation fraud perpetrated by an eminent American collector with Mr Machold's collusion', he claimed that others in the trade had similar concerns but were too cautious to speak out as 'because of his power in the industry, everyone had at one time or another to deal with Mr Machold'. Despite a subsequent probe by the IRS, the FBI and the Senate Committee on Finance into Axelrod's and Machold's transactions, the investigation fizzled out. In 2005 Axelrod was convicted of tax fraud involving an entirely unrelated business matter, for which he served an 18-month prison sentence.

Had the authorities reacted more aggressively when Fitzgerald blew the whistle, many of Machold's later deals might have been prevented. Instead, it was business as usual.

When I was in Vienna in 2005 researching an art fraud case for a British newspaper, I was interested in finding out whether the fallout from the Axelrod affair had had an impact on the international violin market. I arranged to meet Dietmar Machold at his office near the Opera House. Sweeping into the elegant premises, the fox collar of his coat turned up against the chill, he was all charm. Not only did he claim that accusations that he overvalued instruments had no impact on the business, he also insisted that within the tiny, elite world of top dealers in Britain and the United States, which he described as 'part gentleman's club, part Mafia cartel', he was in any case seen as an outsider.

'It's not a nice set-up and I don't belong to the choir,' he said. ' I'm the independent one. If there is a hated person among my so-called colleagues, it's me. It is the price of independence. I'm an honest person and as we say here, "Much honesty, many enemies". There is tremendous abuse of power. That group tries to set market values. The most important thing that sets me apart from all the wheeler-dealers who just juggle instruments, whatever their condition or quality, is my responsibility for the merchandise, the guarantee of a certificate of authenticity.' He denied overvaluing Axelrod's collections, adding he would value them far higher today. 'Nowadays even a poor-quality Mickey Mouse Strad sells for €2 million – that's the market. It's because there aren't that many Strads around any more.'

Soon after our meeting rumours began circulating that Machold was in trouble. In 2005 an Austrian actress, Kyra Sator, started civil proceedings against him, claiming he misappropriated a collection of valuable stringed instruments inherited from her grandfather. In 2001 a minor Czech dealer, Nicolai Nantschev, had introduced her to Machold, who offered to sell part of her collection for her. According to court documents, Machold persuaded Sator to agree to a permanent swap of seven of her cellos for two of his Stradivaris and two del Gesùs. He explained that he wanted her cellos for an exhibition he was planning in Korea and would undertake the cost of restoring her neglected instruments, which she could not afford. A certified safe-keeping receipt signed by Machold, issued to Sator on June 6 2003, confirms that the violins, valued at $21.3 million, are her property and that she had authorised him to safeguard them and to show them to potential buyers. Sator has not seen those Strads and del Gesùs since. In her action against Machold, which she is pursuing vigorously, Sator says she also gave Machold some of her grandfather's instruments to sell without receiving any part payment or loan. Meanwhile, keen to learn more about the market, she turned detective, befriending musicians and scouring trade websites for sales and other transactions.

What she discovered made her blood run cold. When I met Sator, a cheerful, outgoing 46-year-old, recently in Vienna she told me that while her claims against Machold are finally vindicated, the long legal battles have drained her finances, ruined her health, cost her her home and tainted her professional reputation. Since 2005 she has had todeal with accusations by Machold and Nantschev that she feigned ownership of a collection of valuable instruments in order to obtain financial advantages. 'But it hasn't damaged my spirit. I am the only one who has continued to fight all these years, and now people see I am not a crazy person, as Machold claimed,' she says, laughing.

During her investigations Sator discovered evidence that the four violins that Machold claimed to have transferred to her in 2003 in exchange for her cellos had never belonged to him. The real owners of the two Stradivaris, the ex-Emiliani and the ex-Derenberg, were two professional violinists who had no idea that Sator had been given title to their instruments. A del Gesù ex-Pollitzer, also supposedly Sator's, was being played by another musician, and another del Gesù, Sainton, also belonged to someone else. 'It was perfectly obvious that these violins did not belong to Machold. He said so himself when questioned in court,' she says.

Encouraged by Machold's and Nantschev's high opinion of some of her instruments, she took two violins (a 1710 Francesco Gobetti, a Rogeri with an incomplete label partially dated 170…) and a 1764 Ferdinando Alberti cello to London's venerable 350-year-old violin maker DR Hill & Son. The director there confirmed them to be genuine and issued certificates. Later Sator entrusted the instruments to Machold for sale. To her horror, in 2006 she discovered that he had sold her Rogeri to Herbert Axelrod, who had sold it to the NJSO as part of his Golden Age collection. Her Gobetti violin, which she had lent to a Dutch violinist, was returned to Machold, whereupon it disappeared. 'Both Machold and Nantschev told the court that I am a liar and my grandfather's collection was a complete fantasy – although there were witnesses and photographs of many instruments, as six years of proceedings before the Vienna Commercial Court have proved beyond reasonable doubt.'

Had she known more about Nantschev, Sator might have been more careful. In 1992 The Strad, a specialist magazine about stringed instruments, reported that he had pawned a Guarneri del Gesù at the Dorotheum auctioneers in Vienna for a loan of £400. When he defaulted on repayment the Dorotheum put the violin up for auction at an estimated £1-2 million – until another dealer recognised the violin as a perfect replica made in 1983 by Roger Hargrave, who had sold it to a music student. Nantschev was never accused of wrongdoing, but the violin was withdrawn from sale and heads rolled at the Dorotheum.

Nor did Sator know at the time of her first, 2005 action against Machold the extent to which his business was beginning to unravel. His staff complained of unpaid salaries; customers threatened to sue him for not returning their allegedly unsold violins or failing to pay up for those that were sold. He closed his New York branch, then his Chicago business was wound up. In Austria the public prosecutor in Krems ordered an investigation into whether money laundering might lie behind several of his transactions, but police failed to uncover concrete evidence and dropped the case. Soon, though, three Austrian banks sued Machold for exceeding an overdraft and for unpaid debts. More seriously, some banks had called in other experts to appraise instruments he had stored in their vaults as collateral for multi–million–euro loans. Two Stradivaris together valued at €5.5 million were unmasked as fakes worth between €1,000 and €2,000: certificates and labels had been digitally faked. An expert called to examine a 'rare' cello on behalf of another German bank dismissed it as 'junk'. Incredibly, not one bank had sought independent appraisals, instead relying on Machold's global reputation.

Unable to pay his staff or the rents and maintenance for various premises, let alone repay hefty bank loans, Machold declared bankruptcy on October 29 2010. The Viennese insolvency administrator Dr Jörg Beirer, realising Machold had been insolvent for several years, seized his assets. The yield was modest. The heavily mortgaged castle brought in €3.5 million; its contents fetched €120,000, the Rolls-Royce €330.000. Civil claims topped €200 million. Eight major banks were among the creditors, including the Austrian National Bank and clients whose instruments he had allegedly sold secretly. To Beirer's disbelief, no violins were found either at Machold's castle or at his Vienna business premises. As investigators trawled through his business records it became clear that up to 200 priceless instruments that his clients believed they had bought for investment had vanished; grimmer still wasthe realisation that many of them may not have existed, or already belonged to other people.

In 2009 Machold had transferred seven instruments, valued at €80 million, from his Swiss premises to his Berlin business: listed is a Stradivari ex-Muir Mackenzie against which he had already secured a loan from a German bank in 2002, when he had sold it to a New Zealand collector. Two violins belonging to his nemesis, Kyra Sator, were pledged to another bank to cover a loan; the same two violins have since turned up on the website of a leading dealer. With more than 100 other instruments gone, the FBI and Interpol issued alerts for these 'most wanted' treasures.

Facing criminal charges, Machold was arrested in Zermatt and imprisoned in March 2011. Over the following 18 months, in parallel criminal and civil investigations, an astonishing scenario has unfolded as Machold's facade crumbled to reveal a desperate man conjuring deals that prosecutors describe as 'purely virtual' with 'little to do with reality'. His Zurich offices consisted of his bookkeeper's flat in a building otherwise used as a brothel. The Berlin premises were an address at which he was unknown: post lay unopened before being returned to sender. As banks weighed in with claims ranging from €1.5 million to almost €6 million, concerns arose that Machold may have been already insolvent in 2006 when he allegedly began selling the same violins repeatedly to different clients, including banks that received documents giving them title to the instruments in return for credit. A Dutch lawyer and publisher, William Lie, an old friend, is attempting to recoup €8 million still owed to him for instruments he gave Machold to sell, which Machold pledged in return for credit at an Austrian bank. The bank, arguing it now owns the instruments, refuses to return them to Lie. Two other banks are suing one another over ownership of an instrument that Machold sold to them both.

On his first day in court last month, Machold denied charges of fraud and confessed only that he hid five rare instruments entrusted to him for sale by clients. 'All these instruments were used illegally. I confess fully,' he said, explaining that he needed money after losing a lawsuit brought by a construction company refurbishing his castle, and admitted he is saddled with debts of €250 million, mainly from loans and purchases of instruments for an €80 million sale to an Italian billionaire collector, which, he claims, is not yet concluded. Otherwise he has denied all charges of overvaluing instruments or deceiving clients. What his creditors manage to claw back in later court actions is anyone's guess; whether their instruments will ever turn up is unlikely, since Machold refuses to tell police or the administrator where the instruments are.

For Sator these are days of sweet justice. Nikolai Nantschev, the Czech dealer who defamed her, is also on trial as Machold's co–defendant. Forced to abandon her case against Machold in 2010 when he went bankrupt, this year Sator was granted a judicial settlement entitling her to €1 million for the loss of two instruments. The sum has been entered as a provable debt against Machold's estate, although she has yet to see a cent. The judge in the civil court proceedings believed her word against that of Machold and noted in the minutes of the last hearing that she had more rights to the violins in her 2003 safekeeping document than he. She has been granted leave to pursue her claim against him for €16 million. But, like many of her fellow claimants on the creditors' committee appointed by the administrator, Sator fears she will never see her instruments again. And if Machold serves a long prison sentence, hopes of recovering any of her money are probably non-existent.

On one thing many of Machold's victims are agreed. He is on trial for crimes amounting to €4.74 million in damages – a sum that is derisory. Austrian police have received 46 criminal complaints from Australia, Belgium, Holland, Germany and the United States. An even bigger scandal may be just beginning.

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The Scope Of Corruption In Nigerian Oil Is Truly Horrifying

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Nigeria Fuel Strike

Goodluck Jonathan says he wants to reform the oil industry. Really?

IN AUGUST Nigeria announced that oil production had reached a record 2.7m barrels a day but few experts believed it. Oil is also being stolen at a record rate and traders' figures show output at well below the government's figures. Information about Africa's biggest oil industry is an opaque myriad of numbers. No one knows which ones are accurate; no one knows how much oil Nigeria actually produces. If there were an authoritative figure, the truly horrifying scope of corruption would be exposed.

The finance minister, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, a genuine reformer, has estimated that 400,000 barrels of oil a day were stolen in April. But different government ministries give conflicting figures on how much oil Nigeria is producing, suggesting that they cannot agree or they just do not know. Nigeria could measure how much it produces, say experts: it has some of the most advanced technology in the world to do so, but chooses not to.

A former senior World Banker, Oby Ezekwesili, reckons that $400 billion of Nigeria's oil revenue has been stolen or misspent since the country's independence in 1960. It is certainly Africa's biggest oil-producer and, according to BP, has the world's ninth-largest gas reserves. But the fast-changing nature of the industry, the emergence of shale oil in America and gas booms in places such as Qatar and Australia are putting Nigeria behind the times.

Its four refineries work far below capacity, forcing Nigeria to import most of its fuel. The government's heavy subsidies for petrol are thought to have cost $16 billion last year. President Goodluck Jonathan tried to abolish fuel subsidies in January but chose to retreat, partially reinstating them after nationwide protests.

A report in May exposed a fraud amounting to $6.8 billion over a subsidy for petrol imports. Since then, Mrs Okonjo-Iweala has brought to book several fuel marketers for overcharging the government for refined products they never delivered. Naming and shaming them has worked: some are now paying up. But so far the crackdowns have not affected fraudulent politicians.

Regulatory uncertainty, among other things, has helped make Nigeria's oil industry stagnant. Output is about the same as it was a decade ago; the government has not held a licensing round for five years. A Petroleum Industry Bill has been in the works for 15 years, intended to overhaul the industry, make it more transparent, improve regulatory institutions and fiscal policies, and bring everything up to global standards. But the law has been stuck between government and parliament for five years, holding back many billions of dollars in investment. Oil majors are loth to inject cash because they do not know how much tax they will have to pay. Only three exploratory oil wells were drilled in 2011, down from more than 20 in 2005.

The bill, signed and sealed by Mr Jonathan and his cabinet, is back in parliament; the president wants it speedily passed, though its original aims have been watered down, and many oil companies say its monetary terms will deter investment. Instead of curbing the vast powers of the oil minister, Diezani Alison-Madueke, the bill will give her still more authority.

The state-run oil behemoth, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), will still control every aspect of the industry, from exploration and production to refining, pipelines and petrochemicals. The corporation has been judged one of the world's most closed oil companies. A joint report by Transparency International, a Berlin-based anti-corruption monitor, and the Revenue Watch Institute in New York judged the NNPC to have the worst record of 44 national and foreign companies it examined. A recent external audit said it was "accountable to no one". It has been called a "slush fund for the government". The presidency's hand is rarely far away from it. Mr Jonathan recently sacked its managing director, along with three other directors. Reformers think he should have got rid of the oil minister, too.

They also think the corporation should be sold and turned into an independent, profitable company, along the lines of Brazil's Petrobras. But that would take many years, if it happened at all. Nigeria has a mixed record in privatising state companies. Anything in Nigeria to do with oil invariably becomes a political dogfight.

Meanwhile, the environmental devastation in Nigeria's oil-producing delta persists unchecked. Pipeline sabotage now accounts for more than half of the spills in the region. A UN report last year castigated Royal Dutch Shell and a state oil firm over pollution in Ogoniland. Little has been done since. Local oil-spill regulators say Shell should pay a record $5 billion for a spill last December in the offshore Bonga field. Chevron, they said, should pay $3 billion after a rig explosion in January caused a gas leak and fires that lasted 46 days. Weak Nigerian regulators have meant few penalties for oil spills in the past.

Worst of all, the oil wealth that should have benefited the people has barely trickled down. More than half the country's 160m souls still have less than $2 a day. Can Mr Jonathan or Mrs Okonjo-Iweala make a difference? They can but try.

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Mexico's Drug Lords Are Dropping Like Flies

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Mexico Cartel Arrest Joaquin Guzman

The most wanted men in Mexico are tumbling. Will crime follow suit?

IN MARCH 2009 the Mexican government published a list of 37 men believed to be running drug gangs. The alleged bandits were named and rewards of up to 30m pesos ($2m) each were offered for their capture. The government's normally stodgy official gazette listed the villains by their nicknames: Monkey, Beardy, Taliban and so on. It was a risky decision: the list could have become an embarrassment if its members had remained free.

But most have not. Three and a half years on, security forces have arrested 16 of them and killed seven. Two more have been murdered by rivals. That leaves just 12 at large--though among them is the leader of the Sinaloa "cartel", Joaquín Guzmán (known as El Chapo or "Shorty"), who is the most wanted of all.

On October 7th the marines killed the latest target, Heriberto "The Executioner" Lazcano, who was allegedly head of the Zetas, one of Mexico's two most powerful mobs. In an embarrassing twist, government officials thought they had merely dispatched a common criminal until a group of gunmen--presumably fellow Zetas--entered the funeral home where the body was kept and drove off with it in a hearse. Conspiracy theorists now wonder if Mr Lazcano faked his own death and is living out his days under a parasol in Cancún. Fingerprints and photos of the corpse suggest otherwise.

Snatched bodies aside, the downing of so many drug lords is a success for Felipe Calderón, whose presidency will end on December 1st. The Gulf "cartel", one of the region's oldest and most powerful mafias, has been virtually wiped out. (Its boss, Jorge Costilla, was arrested last month.) The Beltrán Leyva organisation, once so formidable that it infiltrated the attorney-general's office, is all but gone. The Zetas have been hurt by a series of arrests this year. Even Sinaloa, the strongest and canniest group, has lost important members.

What is it good for?

Despite it all, the murder rate is nearly twice as high as it was when Mr Calderón took office six years ago. In some cases the capture of kingpins has led to feuds among their deputies, fuelling the violence. Mr Calderón admits that the fall of Mr Lazcano might not immediately calm things down, though he says he expects a "period of stabilisation" to follow a "readjustment of the criminal organisations".

But when? It is nearly three years since the killing of Arturo Beltrán Leyva, and his old fiefs of Guerrero and Morelos now see 60% and 180% more murders than they did when he was alive. "It is precisely because there has not been an authority to replace that hegemony," Mr Calderón says. "If a cartel is weakened and made vulnerable, as the Beltrán Leyvas were, but there is no authority to assume the roles of leadership and enforcement, clearly that prolongs the situation." The blame, he implies, lies with state and local governments. "I would like nothing more than to be mayor of Acapulco [in Guerrero] as well...but the truth is that there is a local government and there is a governor of Guerrero, who between them have 5,000 police, and the desirable thing is that those police work. And while that doesn't happen, well, evidently a process of instability will continue."

A national vetting scheme has weeded out some of the worst police. But so far ten of the 31 states (including Guerrero) have not evaluated even half their forces. The federal police, by no means completely clean, enjoy greater public confidence: 55% think they do a decent job, versus 42% for state police and 36% for local police. Enrique Peña Nieto, the president-elect, has promised to swell the federal police's ranks by drafting in 40,000 soldiers.

Some individual captures do seem to have helped. José Antonio Acosta, who has admitted to planning hundreds of killings for the Juárez gang in Chihuahua, was arrested in 2011. So far this year murders in the state have fallen by about a third. The removal of bloodthirsty lieutenants such as Mr Acosta may be less destabilising than the falls of capos. "If you're taking out the middle layer, the risk of succession fights might be diminished," says Alejandro Hope of IMCO, a think-tank. The recent captures of various mid-ranking Zetas, such as "El Lucky" and "the Squirrel", might limit the infighting following the death of their leader.

Mexico's national murder rate has fallen by 8% this year, the first decline since drug-related violence took off in 2008. Mr Peña, who vowed to lead a "government that keeps its promises" during his campaign, says he aims to reduce it by half during his six-year tenure. (He will take last year's rate as the base, giving him a small head start.) That is an ambitious goal. But as the dwindling most-wanted list shows, unlikely targets can sometimes be hit.

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How US Ambassador Chris Stevens May Have Been Linked To Jihadist Rebels In Syria

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The official position is that the US has refused to allow heavy weapons into Syria.

But there's growing evidence that U.S. agents—particularly murdered ambassador Chris Stevens—were at least aware of heavy weapons moving from Libya to jihadist Syrian rebels.

In March 2011 Stevens became the official U.S. liaison to the al-Qaeda-linked Libyan opposition, working directly with Abdelhakim Belhadj of the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group—a group that has now disbanded, with some fighters reportedly participating in the attack that took Stevens' life.

In November 2011 The Telegraph reported that Belhadj, acting as head of the Tripoli Military Council, "met with Free Syrian Army [FSA] leaders in Istanbul and on the border with Turkey" in an effort by the new Libyan government to provide money and weapons to the growing insurgency in Syria.

Last month The Times of London reported that a Libyan ship "carrying the largest consignment of weapons for Syria … has docked in Turkey." The shipment reportedly weighed 400 tons and included SA-7 surface-to-air anti-craft missiles and rocket-propelled grenades. 

Those heavy weapons are most likely from Muammar Gaddafi's stock of about 20,000 portable heat-seeking missiles—the bulk of them SA-7s—that the Libyan leader obtained from the former Eastern bloc. Reuters reports that Syrian rebels have been using those heavy weapons to shoot down Syrian helicopters and fighter jets.

The ship's captain was "a Libyan from Benghazi and the head of an organization called the Libyan National Council for Relief and Support," which was presumably established by the new government.

That means that Ambassador Stevens had only one person—Belhadj—between himself and the Benghazi man who brought heavy weapons to Syria.

Furthermore, we know that jihadists are the best fighters in the Syrian opposition, but where did they come from?

Last week The Telegraph reported that a FSA commander called them "Libyans" when he explained that the FSA doesn't "want these extremist people here."

And if the new Libyan government was sending seasoned Islamic fighters and 400 tons of heavy weapons to Syria through a port in southern Turkey—a deal brokered by Stevens' primary Libyan contact during the Libyan revolution—then the governments of Turkey and the U.S. surely knew about it.

Furthermore there was a CIA post in Benghazi, located 1.2 miles from the U.S. consulate, used as "a base for, among other things, collecting information on the proliferation of weaponry looted from Libyan government arsenals, including surface-to-air missiles" ... and that its security features "were more advanced than those at rented villa where Stevens died." 

And we know that the CIA has been funneling weapons to the rebels in southern Turkey. The question is whether the CIA has been involved in handing out heavy weapons from Libya.

In any case, the connection between Benghazi and the rise of jihadists in Syria is stronger than has been officially acknowledged.

SEE ALSO: Don't Believe What Politicians Saying About The Benghazi Attack >

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The US Government May Lock Up This Whistleblower To Protect The CIA's 'Prime Torturer'

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John Kiriakou Whistleblower

It's hard to tell which is more astounding: that the U.S. government is preparing to jail a CIA whistleblower for "outing" a covert CIA agent — a felony — or that the outed agent is "well known" to be a torturer of profound talent, and horrific capabilities.

Prosecutors won a hard fought judgement a few days ago, one which will make their case a whole lot easier. 

U.S. District Judge Leonie Brinkema issued the ruling Tuesday that prosecutors will not have to prove John Kirakou intended harm when he alegedly divulged secret information to three journalists, only that he only that “reason to believe” the leak could cause harm.

The distinction is one that puts him considerably closer to serving a long sentence for essentially blowing the whistle on a highly controversial, incredibly opaque process of rendition and "torture."

The story started when John Kiriakou blew the whistle on the CIA's torture program in 2007 during an interview with ABC. The interview, in which he seemed to defend the technique of waterboarding while simultaneously condemning it as an undeniable form of torture, revealed Kiriakou's role facilitating the Rendition, Detention, Interrogation (RDI) CIA teams in the case of alleged terrorist Abu Zubaida.

According to a Dana Priest article titled "Wrongful Imprisonment: The Tale Of A CIA Mistake," RDI is:

Members of the Rendition Group follow a simple but standard procedure: Dressed head to toe in black, including masks, they blindfold and cut the clothes off their new captives, then administer an enema and sleeping drugs. They outfit detainees in a diaper and jumpsuit for what can be a day-long trip. Their destinations ... one of the CIA's own covert prisons -- referred to in classified documents as "black sites."

The checklist for ending up in one of these sites was pretty general, as one counterterrorism official told Priest, "Whatever quality control mechanisms were in play on September 10th were eliminated on September 11th."

When Zubaida finally got his day in court, sealed legal defense documents contained the names of two covert CIA employees (one an agent, another an asset) involved in Zubaida's torture — they were dubbed 'Official A' and 'Official B' in Kariaku's indictment.

The officials have since been identified, and their names have been posted to Cryptome.

Kevin Gosztola of Firedoglake reports:

The identity of “Covert Officer A,” which Kiriakou is alleged to have revealed, was a prime torturer in the agency. He allegedly abused and saw to it that detainees were abused. On the other hand, Kiriakou’s “crime” is that he went on television and told the country waterboarding was indeed torture at a moment when the Bush administration did not want that to be part of public discussion.

A former government official with close ties to the case, on condition of anonymity, told Gosztola the CIA was “totally ticked at Kiriakou for acknowledging the use of torture as state policy.” The official said the CIA hoped to make an example out of Kiriaku.

The official also said that the identity of 'Official A' was never really that secret, that many members of human rights organizations had found out his name prior to 2008 date of the supposed Kiriakou leak.

From Goztola:

These individuals in the human rights community have known that the agent allegedly ensured detainees were “properly rendered and tortured,” according to the source, who alleges they have known he took part in “sadistic acts of horrendous conduct against the detainees” and have engaged in what appears to be a “code of silence” protecting the individual while the Justice Department prosecutes Kiriakou. 

So Kiriakou is set to possibly go to jail for as many as 50 years on several federal charges, while meanwhile the outed CIA 'prime torturer' is retired and living in Virginia. The Kiriakou case is another example of the Obama administration's hard line on whistleblowers and leakers.

NOW SEE: This Author Opens Up About CIA Source, Bungled Bin Laden Ops, And The Coming Cyber War >

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This News Could Mean The End Of Altruistic Lawyers

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Atticus Finch

The salaries of government and nonprofit lawyers have hardly grown at all since 2004 – when they were already pretty paltry, a new report from the legal group NALP has found.

Public defenders usually start out making just $50,000 a year, while lawyers who lend their talents to civil rights groups and other nonprofits make just $45,000 a year.

Those salaries have barely kept pace with inflation in the past eight years, while the cost of law school has risen dramatically, NALP said.

But aspiring do-gooders have more to worry about than their minuscule paychecks.

Law professor Paul Campos, whose blog aims to expose the law school "scam," calls public interest work a risky proposition.

There's been a glut of applicants for low-paid government and nonprofit jobs because competition for jobs at law firms has gotten more competitive than ever, according to Campos.

"When I was in law school, public interest was a fall-back position," Campos told Business Insider.

But now, he says, "There are no jobs in the public sector."

SEE ALSO: Why The Law School Bubble Is Worse Than The Student Loan Crisis

 

 

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Twitter Agrees To Censor Posts For The Second Time This Week

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dick costolo

PARIS (AP) — A French Jewish group that threatened a lawsuit against Twitter says the social network has agreed to pull tweets under a pair of hash tags that spawned more than a week of racist and anti-Semitic posts.

The group, the French Union of Jewish Students, held a conference call Thursday night with Twitter executives in California, the same day the social network blocked an account of a banned German neo-Nazi group at the behest of local authorities.

The anti-Semitic tweets in French, which started Oct. 10, included slurs and photos evoking the Holocaust, including one of a pile of ash. They were followed by similar, anti-Muslim tweets.

In Germany on Thursday, Twitter blocked the neo-Nazi's account in Germany.

The French-language tweets came from hundreds of users.

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Ceasefire In Dish v. AMC War Is Either A 'Possible Settlement' Or A 'Mistake'

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Jon Hamm Don Draper Mad Men

On Thursday, a note on the New York State Supreme Court’s website stated that there may be a "possible settlement" in AMC and Cablevision's $2.4 billion breach of contract suit against the Dish Network — which could potentially restore AMC Networks' channels on Dish's system.

"Voom HD, a former Cablevision unit, sued Dish in 2008, saying the satellite television distributor violated a 15-year deal to carry HD programming and should pay $2.4 billion in damages," reports Reuters. "The trial has been unfolding in New York State Supreme Court in Manhattan since Sept. 28."

On Thursday, the court posted a docket entry dated Oct. 22 that said "9:30 AM Poss. Settlement" indicating that New York Supreme Court Judge Richard B. Lowe III would address a possible settlement when the trial reconvenes Monday.

But a few hours later the court changed the entry to remove the mention of a settlement and a person who answered the phone at the judge's chambers on Thursday said the possible settlement filing was a "mistake," reports Reuters.

Thursday's mysterious e-entry comes after Dish's secret emails came to light in the courtroom earlier this week — “the most damaging evidence to date," according to one advisor monitoring the case.

The confusion over the docket entry is the latest twist in a case that has had countless dramatic moments, from a "Walking Dead" zombie viral video campaign to AMC's anti-Dish red carpet propaganda.

But the news of a possible settlement has been good for some.

"Shares of AMC, a Cablevision subsidiary that now houses the Voom assets, closed up nearly 4 percent at $45.27 on Thursday," reports Reuters. "Analysts have said a settlement could restore AMC Networks' channels on Dish's system and restore the 13 percent of AMC's subscribers that were lost after Dish blacked out AMC in July."

But if the media companies do settle, it could be huge.

“In the context of the $2.4 billion in damages originally sought, we believe a cash settlement could be worth between $200 million and $1 billion…equating to $1-$4 per share in aftertax cash consideration for AMC,” Barclays Equity Research’s Anthony DiClemente tells Deadline.

He adds, though, that “the amount of a potential cash consideration is less important than the value of a new carriage deal.” Meaning without Dish’s 14.1M subscribers, AMC could lose as much as $100M per year in cash flow, reports Deadline. “Assuming a seven year deal, we estimate carriage would be worth $7 per share for AMC."

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Family Dollar In Trouble After Alleged Prank Involving 25 Laxatives And Two Bottles Of Coke

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An employee prank gone horribly wrong has landed Family Dollar in court.  

An assistant manager at Kansas branch allegedly stuffed 25 laxative pills into two bottles of Coke and then planted them in an employee fridge, according to the Kansas City Star.

His intended target was a coworker. But when that employee noticed the tablets, rather than discarding the bottles, the employee allegedly moved them to a cooler on the floor, according to a police report.

One of the bottles wound up in the hands of customer Barbara J. Nelson, who says she didn't notice a chunk of dissolved tablets at the bottom of her bottle until it was too late. Nelson became ill and was later hospitalized.

In a lawsuit filed this week, she is seeking more than $25,000 in damages.

As for the accused pranksters, both were arrested by local police, though no criminal charges have been filed yet.

“Please know we take the safety of our customers and team members very seriously and we do not tolerate any actions that put their safety in jeopardy,” a company spokesperson said in a written statement.

See Also: An incredible tour of the World of Coca-Cola museum >

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Corporate Lawyer Says He Got Axed For Not Conforming To Male Stereotypes

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An attorney is claiming big-league firm Dechert fired him to get back at him for taking time off to care for his mentally ill wife and their newborn, the National Law Journal reports.

This week, a court denied summary judgment for the law firm, meaning ex-Dechert lawyer Ariel Ayanna can pursue his case against the firm, which he says has a "macho" culture.

Ayanna, a Harvard Law grad, sued Dechert in 2010, claiming it pushed male associates to leave caregiving to women.

His suit claims male lawyers at the firm bragged about who worked more and ignored their families while burdening their wives with all of the family responsibilities. At one point, a senior associate rolled his eyes at Ayanna when he said he was going to have dinner with his family, the suit claims.

Meanwhile, female employees of Dechert were allowed, and even expected, to take care of family matters, Ayanna sayd.

Judge Nathaniel Gorton ruled there's enough evidence that Ayanna's time off – which he took under the Family and Medical Leave Act – and his firing were related for the case to move forward, National Law Journal reported.

Dechert declined to comment to the Journal.

SEE ALSO: Defense Of Marriage Act Didn't Encourage Straight People To Have Kids: Court >

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25 Adorable Pictures Of Inmates Training Shelter Dogs

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Paws on Parole lets inmates at Florida's Gainesville Correctional Work Camp train shelter dogs so they're ready for their "forever homes."

And, according to its coordinator Hilary Hynes, the four-year-old program is 100 percent successful, meaning all the dogs are adopted at the end of each training program.

Hynes, who works with Alachua County Animal Services, started the program in 2008 for the state's lower-security inmates.

Inmates teach shelter dogs a variety of behaviors, including how to sit and behave around children, to make them more adoptable.

During each eight-week program, the dogs live with the inmates in the facility, something Hynes said doesn't bother her since the inmates at the Gainesville work camp aren't violent offenders.

"I'm very comfortable with the way that this program's designed," Hynes said. "Basically your DUI and drug offenders are pretty excellent."

The training happens in the work camp's yard, where trainers and shelter volunteers meet to set up courses and work through the day's lessons.

Source: Paws on Parole



Now, let's meet the pooches...

Source: Paws on Parole



This is Harlee, a year-old American Staffordshire Terrier/Boston Terrier mix.

Source: Paws on Parole



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Uber-Agent Ari Emanuel Suing Ex-Clothing Store Partner For $2M Over 'Misused' $600K Loan

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Ari Emanuel

William Morris Endeavor talent superagent Ari Emanuel and his wife, Sarah, filed a $2 million lawsuit Thursday against Mark and Jill Freeman—owners of upscale Los Angeles boutiques, Jill Roberts—after the Hollywood broker claims the clothing couple misused a $600,000 investment.

Emanuel—who famously was the inspiration for the "Ari Gold" character on "Entourage" and whose clients include Michael Douglas, Sacha Baron Cohen and Aaron Sorkin—is now claiming he is the victim of "major fraud" after the Freemans used the Emanuel's loan "as if it were their own personal piggy bank.”

It all started in 2010 when the Freemans allegedly asked the Emanuels to invest in Seaton—a "California cool" clothing store they planned to open.

According to the lawsuit, the Emanuels invested $200,000 for a 50 percent interest in Seaton. They also agreed to loan Seaton $200,000 initially, and later agreed to a second $200,000 loan in order “to help finance . . . business operations.”

But in September, the Freemans told the Emanuels that the Seaton endeavor “simply was not profitable,” the store would be closed at the end of 2012, and their investment lost.

Emanuel then ordered an audit of Seaton’s books and “uncovered extensive evidence that the Freemans perpetrated a major fraud,” according to the suit, which also states, “The Freemans engaged in numerous acts of deceit, concealment, embezzlement, misappropriation, self-dealing and unlawful competition.”

Instead of using the Emanuel's loan for authorized business expenses, the suit claims that the Freemans "operated Seaton as if it were their own personal piggy bank" by using the money to take trips to Europe and selling “large volumes” of Seaton merchandise at below market value to Jill Freeman's other clothing boutique, Jill Roberts.

"As a result of the Freemans' fraudulent, unlawful and malicious actions, Plaintiffs have been deprived of their investment and of the profits they would have received from their investment if not for the Freemans' wrongdoing," the lawsuit states.

And no use in trying to buy anything off the Seaton website, either, as it appears to now only be a homepage with no working links.

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CIA Requests More Of Those Drones That It Refuses To Acknowledge

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General Atomics MQ-1 Predator Drone

The CIA is "urging the White House to approve a significant expansion of the agency’s fleet of armed drones," according to  U.S. officials and reported by Greg Miller of the Washington Post.

What's odd is the CIA refused to acknowledge involvement in the U.S. drone program during a lawsuit brought by the ACLU that seeks documents describing the legal basis for using drones and statistics of civilian casualties.

The CIA refused Freedom of Information Act Requests on the grounds that it cannot confirm drone use.

In court last month the ACLU cited statements by high-ranking U.S. officials that seemed to reference the CIA's drone program, but government lawyers countered that the statements about drones do not specifically refer to the CIA.

ACLU lawyer Jameel Jaffer told the Associated Press the government has "repackaged" the same argument that "they haven't acknowledged the CIA uses drones to carry out targeted killings."

If Washington Post is to believed, the government shouldn't be able to make that argument anymore.

From Washington Post:

The proposal by CIA Director David H. Petraeus would bolster the agency’s ability to sustain its campaigns of lethal strikes in Pakistan and Yemen and enable it, if directed, to shift aircraft to emerging al-Qaeda threats in North Africa or other trouble spots, officials said.

If approved, the CIA could add as many as 10 drones, the officials said, to an inventory that has ranged between 30 and 35 over the past few years.

The Post notes that the decision by the White House will impact whether the CIA "gradually returns to being an organization focused mainly on gathering intelligence, or remains a central player in the targeted killing of terrorism suspects abroad."

It doesn't get much clearer than that.

SEE ALSO: Judges Poke Holes In CIA Efforts To Hide The 'Secret' US Drone Program >

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A Jury Will Likely Scrutinize Trayvon Martin's Deleted Facebook And Twitter Accounts

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George Zimmerman

George Zimmerman's lawyer can subpoena Facebook and Twitter for the deleted acounts of Trayvon Martin, a judge ruled Friday.

Zimmerman was charged with second-degree murder for the shooting of 17-year-old Martin, in a racially charged case that captured national headlines.

Defense lawyer Mark O'Mara also won the right to subpoena the slain teen's school records, according to the Orlando Sentinel, which broadcast the hearing live.

O'Mara implied in court the social media accounts – which were deleted after the teen died – will help shed light on what happened between Martin and Zimmerman on the rainy February night the teen ended up dead.

Martin's behavior is "utterly relevant," O'Mara said. He added that Martin's social media accounts will reveal pictures of him engaging in "MMA-fighting," apparently referring to mixed-martial arts.

The teen's father, Tracy, said in a video posted by the Sentinel before the hearing that his son's school records were irrelevant to the case, and that he felt his son's character was being assassinated.

The judge ruled Friday that O'Mara can also subpoena Trayvon's girlfriend's Twitter account. Both Facebook and Twitter may fight these subpoenas.

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